Women, like men, are an integral part of a nation's entity. All their rights, including political rights, are guaranteed by the constitution. There is not a single article that prohibits women from being involved in political contests. In fact, Indonesia has specifically regulated women's affirmation in politics. This means that on paper, the policy on women's participation in politics is quite adequate.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
However, the policy support is not enough to influence the high participation and electability of female leaders in the executive and legislative branches. In the Province of DIY for example, the number of female legislative members after the 2019 legislative election in the Province of DIY was only 9 out of a total of 55 people, or only around 16%, far from the affirmative quota of 30% women.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Gender and child profile data for DIY in 2019 in the field of politics and decision-making shows that women's participation in these fields is still low. The number of women sitting in executive, legislative and judicial institutions is still far less than men who hold important positions in politics and decision-making. The decline in IDG was contributed by a decline in the number of women in the executive where in 2018 there was a decline in the number of female sub-district heads from 10 to 8. Likewise, the number of village heads\/sub-district heads in 2018 showed a decline from 45 female village heads to 42.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
The data on the decline in female village heads occurred in Kulonprogo, which also shows that the number of village heads has decreased. When compared to men, the percentage of female sub-district heads and village heads is around 10%, far from the affirmation of the female quota set at 30%. The number of Regents\/Mayors in DIY is only 1 out of a total of 5 regents\/mayors. In the simultaneous Pilkada held in December 2020, there were only 3 women who ran as regents and deputy regents out of 18 candidates who will advance in the regional head election competition. The number of female BPD members is also still minimal, in Sleman Regency for example, out of a total of 904 BPD members, only 22 are women or around 2%.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Another fact, the involvement of women in development planning, is often only used as a complement to the involvement quota. However, the quality of participation has not been built adequately, Finally, women are only presented in meeting rooms, but do not understand what to fight for.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
The problems that often occur are often within political parties as the proponents and support of constituents who are not confident enough with female leaders. Another factor is related to money politics which makes political contests less qualified, many female candidates have to give up their hopes of being elected as policy makers because of this dirty practice.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Within the party, classic problems such as low party democratization and limited opportunities for women to become part of party policy makers continue to occur. Party administrators, both national and regional, are still dominated by men. As a result, women's access to strategic ballot numbers during general elections is limited. According to data released by the conservation in the article Women and social media during legislative elections in Indonesia, the percentage of women occupying the first ballot number during the 2019 legislative elections was on average below 25%. In fact, ballot numbers are one of the determinants of the election of candidate leaders, especially during legislative elections. The policy regarding the placement of ballot numbers is on the party side, meaning that if the percentage of first ballot numbers for female candidates is still low, the party's commitment to nominating female political leaders is also still low.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Then another problem is related to the still low support for women's political leadership. Although during the 2019 nomination, the party had nominated female candidates on average at 41.2%, the electability of women was still low. According to data from the same source, the number of women elected was only 3.69%. So the quota of 30% of parliamentary seats could not be met.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Continue to Cultivate Hope<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n The above facts are indeed not encouraging news. However, it does not mean that the mission to realize women's leadership is thwarted. We know that there are still many cases related to women's issues and vulnerable groups that need to be resolved. And, those who understand best to resolve women's cases are of course women themselves. Therefore, women's political leadership is very important to continue to be encouraged.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Some ways that can be done include, first, encouraging democratization within the party to run. The form is by periodically restructuring the management, this is done so that the party remains healthy. Management that is not routinely restructured often creates patrons and is even close to dynasties. Patrons and dynasties have an impact on the lack of access for quality cadres, especially women to be involved in the main driving force of the party. In practice, women's representation is needed not only during nominations during elections, but must start from within the party. Participatory women's representation in the party's management allows other women to be encouraged to occupy strategic positions, both within the party and during nominations.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Then, secondly, female political cadres must also continue to build their personal branding, outside or inside parliament, elected or not elected in the election. The personal branding that is built will be more perfect if the issues played are indeed related to their expertise or capacity, so that constituents will see the personality of female political party cadres based on the quality or capacity they have. This is important to do so that political party cadres have bargaining power that can be converted into political support, or at least to introduce the mission that will be fought for to the public.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Finally, that political leadership is the right of all citizens, without gender limitations. It is time for strong women in the village, female political party cadres, if they feel they have the capacity to lead, then occupy strategic positions in each space they have. We can also show our participation by providing support to women who choose the path of political leadership.<\/p>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":" Perempuan sebagaimana laki-laki, merupakan bagian utuh dari entitas sebuah bangsa. Seluruh hak-haknya, termasuk hak politiknya dijamin oleh konstitusi. Tidak ada satu pasal pun yang melarang perempuan untuk terlibat dalam konstestasi politik. Bahkan, Indonesia sudah mengatur secara khusus tentang afirmasi perempuan dalam politik. Artinya, di atas kertas, kebijakan tentang partisipasi perempuan dalam politik sudah cukup memadai. Namun, dukungan kebijakan tersebut tak cukup berpengaruh terhadap tingginya partisipasi dan keterpilihan pemimpin perempuan di eksekutif dan legislatif. Di Provinsi DIY misalnya, Jumlah anggota legislatif perempuan pasca pemilu legislatif tahun 2019 di Provinsi DIY hanya 9 dari total 55 orang, atau hanya sekitar 16%, jauh dari kuota afirmatif 30% perempuan. Data profil gender dan anak DIY Tahun 2019 di bidang politik dan pengambilan keputusan menunjukkan masih rendahnya partisipasi perempuan dalam bidang tersebut. Jumlah perempuan yang duduk di lembaga eksekutif, legislatif dan yudikatif masih kalah jauh dibandingkan dengan laki-laki yang memegang posisi penting penting dalam bidang politik dan pengambilan keputusan. Penurunan IDG dikontribusi oleh penurunan jumlah Perempuan di eksekutif dimana pada tahun 2018 terjadi penurunan jumlah camat perempuan dari 10 orang menjadi 8 orang. Begitupun jumlah kepala desa\/lurah data tahun 2018 memperlihatkan penurunan dari 45 perempuan kepala desa menjadi 42. Data penurunan kepala desa perempuan ini terjadi di Kulonprogo, yang juga terlihat bahwa jumlah kepala desa desa turun Jika dibanding laki-laki, persentase camat dan kepala desa perempuan berkisar di angka 10%, jauh dari afirmasi quota perempuan yang ditetapkan yaitu 30%. Jumlah Bupati\/walikota di DIY hanya 1 orang dari total 5 orang bupati\/walikota. Dalam Pilkada serentak yang digelar pada bulan Desember 2020, hanya ada 3 perempuan yang mencalonkan diri sebagai bupati dan wakil bupati dari 18 calon yang akan maju dalam kompetisi pemilihan kepala daerah. Jumlah anggota BPD perempuan juga masih minim, di Kabupaten Sleman misalnya dari total 904 orang anggota BPD, hanya 22 orang yang perempuan atau sekitar 2%. Fakta lainnya, pelibatan perempuan dalam perencanaan pembangunan, seringkali hanya dijadikan pelengkap kouta pelibatan. Namun, kualitas partisipasi belum dibangun dengan memadai, Akhirnya, perempuan hanya sekedar dihadirkan dalam ruang-ruang pertemuan, namun tidak mengerti apa yang harus diperjuangkan. Persoalan yang sering terjadi seringkali memang ada di internal partai politik sebagai pengusung dan dukungan konstituen yang tak cukup yakin dengan pemimpin perempuan. Faktor lainnya ialah terkait politik uang yang membuat konstestasi politik menjadi tidak berkualitas, banyak calon perempuan yang harus memupus harapannya terpilih sebagai pengambil kebijakan karena praktik kotor ini. Di internal partai, persoalan klasik seperti rendahnya demokratisasi partai dan kecilnya kesempatan perempuan untuk menjadi bagian dari pengambil kebijakan partai masih terus terjadi. Pengurus-pengurus partai, baik nasional maupun daerah, masih didominasi oleh laki-laki. Dampaknya, akses perempuan terhadap nomor-nomor urut strategis saat pemilihan umum menjadi terbatas. Menurut data yang dirilis the conservation dalam artikel Women and social media during legislative elections in Indonesia, persentase perempuan yang menduduki nomor urut pertama saat pileg tahun 2019 rata-rata berada di bawah 25 %. Padahal nomor urut menjadi salah satu penentu keterpilihan calon pemimpin, khususnya saat pemilihan umum legislatif. Kebijakan terkait peletakan nomor urut ada di pihak partai, artinya, jika persentase nomor urut pertama pada calon perempuan masih rendah, komitmen partai untuk mengusung calon pemimpin politik perempuan juga masih rendah. Kemudian persoalan lainnya ialah terkait masih rendahnya dukungan terhadap kepemimpinan politik perempuan. Meski saat pencalona di tahun 2019 lalu, partai sudah mengusung calon perempuan rata-rata pada angka 41,2 % namun keterpilihan perempuan masih rendah. Menurut data dari sumber yang sama, angka keterpilihan perempuan hanya pada angka 3.69%. Sehingga kouta 30% kursi parlemen tidak dapat terpenuhi. Terus Memupuk Asa Fakta-fakta di atas memang bukan kabar yang menggembirakan. Namun, bukan berarti mengandaskan misi untuk mewujudkan kepemimpinan perempuan. Kita tahu, masih banyak kasus-kasus yang terkait dengan persoalan perempuan dan kelompok rentan yang perlu diselesaikan. Dan, yang paling memahami untuk menyelesaikan kasus perempuan tentu ialah perempuan itu sendiri. Karenanya kepemimpinan politik perempuan menjadi sangat penting untuk terus didorong. Beberapa cara yang bisa dilakukan antara lain ialah, pertama, mendorong agar demokratisasi di internal partai dapat berjalan. Wujudnya ialah dengan secara periodic melakukan resrtukturasi kepengurusan, hal tersebut dilakukan agar tubuh partai tetap sehat. Kepengurusan yang tidak direstrukturasi secara rutin seringkali menimbulkan patron dan bahkan dekat dengan dinasti. Patron dan dinasti berimbas terhadap minimnya akses kader-kader berkualitas, khususnya perempuan untuk terlibat dalam penggerak utama partai. Praktisnya, perlu keterwakilan perempuan tidak hanya saat pencalonan saat pemilu, namun harus dimulai sejak di internal partai. Keterwakilan perempuan yang partisipatif di kepengurusan partai ini memungkinkan para perempuan-perempuan lainnya untuk didorong menempati pos-pos strategis, baik di internal partai maupun saat pencalonan. Kemudian, yang kedua, kader-kader politik perempuan juga harus terus membangun personal brandingnya, di luar atau di dalam parlemen, terpilih atau tidak terpilih dalam pemilu. Personal branding yang dibangun akan makin sempurna jika isu yang dimainkan memang terkait dengan keahlian atau kapasitasnya, Sehingga konstituen akan melihat personalitas kader parpol perempuan berdasarkan pada kualitas atau kapasitas yang dimiliki. Hal ini penting dilakukan agar kader-kader partai politik memiliki daya tawar yang bisa dikonversi menjadi suara-dukungan politik, atau minimal untuk mengenalkan misi yang akan diperjuakan ke publik. Terakhir, bahwa kepemimpinan politik merupakan hak semua warga, tanpa batas kelamin. Saatnya perempuan-perempuan tangguh di desa, kader-kader parpol perempuan, jika memang sudah merasa memiliki kapasitas untuk memimpin, maka tempatilah pos-pos strategis di masing-masing ruang yang dimiliki. Bentuk partisipasi juga bisa kita wujudkan dengan turut memberikan dukungan kepada perempuan yang memilih jalan kepemimpinan politik.<\/p>","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":1711,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"elementor_theme","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[65],"tags":[92,130],"class_list":["post-1710","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-artikel","tag-kepemimpinan-perempuan","tag-perempuan-pemimpin"],"amp_enabled":false,"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/perkumpulanidea.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/1710","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/perkumpulanidea.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/perkumpulanidea.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/perkumpulanidea.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/perkumpulanidea.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=1710"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/perkumpulanidea.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/1710\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":1712,"href":"https:\/\/perkumpulanidea.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/1710\/revisions\/1712"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/perkumpulanidea.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/1711"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/perkumpulanidea.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=1710"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/perkumpulanidea.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=1710"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/perkumpulanidea.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=1710"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}